Saturday, June 11, 2011

Time for Restructuring State Ministry of Agriculture

TIME FOR RESTRUCTURING AGRICULTURE REGULATORY COORDINATION
B. YERRAM RAJU*

It is heartening to listen to the CM Kiran Kumar Reddy at Bangalore on the State’s prospect of posting a 6.5 percent growth and the State’s economy to leapfrog to 9.5 percent. There is also a goal for the State to reach 300mn tones of food production by the end of the Twelfth Plan. The State needs such optimistic thinking and approach at this critical juncture. But when one looks at the serpentine queues of the farmers for the seeds of any crop right at the sowing time, poor management of the farm sector stares at us. This is not the first year that the State has this predicament. In the marketing season, farmers bemoan of lack of space to store, and nobody to deliver the price for their season’s hardship. We just witnessed in most market yards the paddy bags under sheets of water; not enough gunny bags to store; not even enough tarpaulins to store; no storage space in the existing godowns. Chilly farmers got their crop washed out in the untimely rains or burnt in well-designed cold storage warehouse disasters. The tenant farmers’ rejoice at their right for institutional credit through the recently announced ordinance hopefully results in the intended benefits – the only silver lining in this farm season, to site a good beginning. Why are all these happening for the last few decades? Why should farmers take to streets to fight for their basic production rights? Are there no remedies? Do these questions not beg of us to look at the fundamentals of administrative architecture of this most important sector on which 60 percent of the population still depends for their livelihood?

Like nowhere else in the world, farm and allied sectors are looked after by at least fourteen ministries and a host of organizations heavily bureaucratized: Ministry of Agriculture; Ministry of Animal Husbandry, Dairy Development, Fisheries; Ministry of Major and Medium Irrigation; Ministry of Cooperation; Ministry of Revenue, Relief and Rehabilitation; Ministry of Finance; Ministry of Food & Civil Supplies; Ministry of Marketing & Warehousing – at the State level and Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperation, Ministry of Food Processing; Ministry of Finance; Ministry of Forests & Environment; Ministry of Commerce and Trade; Ministry of Food and Civil Supplies at the Central Government level. There is State Planning Board and the Union Planning Commission at the helm to decide on many issues that concern all these ministries. Each Ministry has its regulatory strings to apply on the farmer because each is an empire unto itself and there is no coordination among them at the beginning of the agriculture season. Planning Commission long back seized to be a coordination agency. It is content with preparing grandiose plans and allocating limited resources through discussions at the National Development Council. Exigencies of politics predominate over economic necessities.

In Agrarian States like Andhra Pradesh, a beginning could be made in reorganizing the ministries to start with and bringing the departments of agriculture, horticulture and allied activities like animal husbandry, fisheries, that deal with production, cooperation, marketing and civil supplies that deal with distribution under single Minister who should have full comprehension and empathy for the farmers. The orgnisational structure could be as follows:








This would mean that the number of ministries at the State level would be reduced to one from the existing four. At the beginning of the season, all the above functionaries would have a meeting with all the functionaries in the chart for a day or two – even now the Commissioner of Agriculture is holding a coordination meeting with the NABARD, financing institutions and cooperative banks and his department officials at the beginning of Kharif and Rabi. These meetings are not transparent and monitorable in terms of the decisions taken and officials concerned are not accountable for any lapses or shortfalls. In the above coordination meeting, the Minister presiding and the Agriculture Production Commissioner who is of the rank of Additional Chief Secretary, is expected to be fully informed of all the links in the supply chain in production and value chain management in agriculture right up to the distribution end and would be in a position to format the decision making process depending upon the various issues that come up for discussion. The Minister can also invite the principal secretary (Energy) and Principal Secretary (Information Technology) for the half-yearly meetings to take into consideration the issues and facilitation that could come from them to the farmers during and off the season. Principal Secretary (Agriculture) should be the Member-secretary for this coordination panel. He would draft the minutes within the next twenty-four hours and arrange for issuance of appropriate instructions for all these line departments to follow implicitly and the concerned departmental heads would be squarely responsible for any and all lapses in implementing them. During the week that follows, the State Level Bankers’ Committee should be convened to cause the financial arrangements to be put in place. This mechanism would expand the burden of implementation on those who are actually responsible. Transparency, Accountability and Governance would significantly improve.

Whenever the disasters occur, emergency meeting shall be held to take collective decision for coordinated implementation at the field level through the District Collectors. The Minister for Revenue would coordinate with the Minister for Agriculture in situations of natural calamities and other disasters.

These measures would make a significant departure from each department pulling in different directions making the farmers cry loud both at the beginning and end of the season. The State would also have the pride of taking leadership once it ensures success of this model. The Rythu Chaitanya Yatras, Polam Badi, Atma, AIBP would automatically be integral to the whole effort and extension would be in a position to deliver results to the farmer. This would also help in reducing unnecessary expenditure in multiple delivery points in meaningless directions. Chief Minister Kiran Kumar Reddy, young and dynamic and sportive as he is, would be able to lap up electoral benefits from the largest voting constituency, viz., the farmers and could also win the hearts of the opposition. What matters, of course, is the courage to dispense with three Ministers!!

*The Author is an economist and Member, Expert Committee of Cooperative Banking, Govt of AP. The views are personal. Can be reached at yerramr@gmail.com

Sunday, February 13, 2011

Drive against Corruption - Avineeti pi poratum

There should be a resolve not to share public platform with the corrupt and allegedly corrupt. The lobbying organizations like the FICCI,CII, FAPCCI etc should stop giving bouquets and garlending such persons.This is the most simple step one can take to express public resentment against corruption and intellectuals with integrity have a role to play in this direction.

Tuesday, January 25, 2011

Malegam Report leaves more questions than answers

Malegam Committee on Micro Finance
Leaves more questions than answers.
B. Yerram Raju*


MFIs were balancing between equity and discipline – the area that the other lending arms in the country, both the commercial and cooperative banks failed to perform. Nurturing them, therefore, is essential for achieving the goal of financial inclusion. It is good to recall what M. Narasimham, the architect of Financial Sector Reforms in India told when the Reforms ushered in: the Banks and Financing Institutions should be freed from the regulatory bondage in interest rate fixation and prescriptive approaches to specific clientele groups-behest or directed lending. During the last two decades while many positive efforts in the Reform Agenda saved the country from the Asian and global crises situations under the able stewardship of illustrious Governors, there were also gaps that needed a pragmatic attention. One such gap is Micro Finance regulation. Does Malegam Committee provide any solutions? Or leaves many unanswered questions? This is what this article intends to examine.


SHG-MFI-BANK LINKAGE (SBL)


Following RBI circular dated 18th February 2000 providing guidelines to financing of MFIs by commercial banks, there has been rapid increase of private MFIs in the country during this decade. Most of these MFIs are broadly in four categories.

1) NGO MFIs – Registered under Societies Registration Act 1860 and/or Indian Trust Act, 1880
2) COOPERATIVE MFIs – Registered under State Cooperatives Act or Mutually Aided Cooperatives Act (MACS) or Multi-State Cooperatives Act, 2002.
3) NON-BANKING FINANCIAL COMPANIES(NBFC) MFIs- Registered under Section 25 of Companies Act, 1956 (Not for Profit)
4) NBFC –MFIs – Registered under Companies Act, 1956 and Registered with SEBI where they went in for public issue and/or with RBI.

In order to encourage the MFI movement, the RBI desired that they go under self-regulation mode and the RBI expressed categorical “NO” to MFI regulation. On the top of it, the Central Bank categorized all corporate loans granted to MFIs as part of priority sector lending and the public sector banks found a bonanza in such categorization as they can claim credit under somebody else’s shoulder without having to incur the huge cost of reaching the poor and realizing such loans again at a huge cost. Suddenly they found a de-risking their otherwise high-risk portfolio. Bulk loaning to MFIs moved at 8-12 percent for online lending to the poverty groups.


MFI CHRISTENED INDIA SUB-PRIME:
The bulk lending in the MFI robes, on the other hand, has taken the ugly turn witnessed during September-November 2010 prompting the former Governor RBI, Dr. Y.V. Reddy calling it India Sub-prime story, due to the following reasons:
1. The incentive of booking such credit under the priority sector
2. Banks that usually stipulate stringent conditions on the high-risk ‘poor’ refused to see a part of it even when lending to MFI because of their myopic approach to priority sector credit.
3. The Commercial banks were quick to respond to the glossy balance sheets; foreign flows and the bee-lining of venture capital funds because of the minimum of 8-12 percent yield on these assets and near 100 percent repayments.
4. The investors walked away with the high returns, which is nothing but the rich walking on poor man’s incomes. Poor man’s rupees walked into rich man’s dollars. This is not certainly what either the Government or the RBI intended when they spoke of financial inclusion.
5. Micro Insurance is not linked.
Corporate greed overtook the poor man’s need. Banks too were no less greedy as they could fulfill their priority sector targets without actually having to go near the poor.

Even most of the private sector banks that were unable to fulfill their Priority Sector obligations due to their lack of presence in Semi-Urban and Rural Centers or lack of initiative in financing SME or other Priority segments, have found an easier option of providing bulk loans to MFIs. This paved the way for large-scale flow of depositors’ funds to MFIs for their onlending activities. There are 44 RBI recognized MFIs in the country according to Microfinance Institutions Network. Some well meaningful entities have put the training of the poor in viable economic homestead and village level activities ( BASIX for example) and created enthusiasm and confidence in institutional lenders for this activity. But greed has no boundaries and seeing large-scale benefits with a little effort and much propaganda, others bee-lined and Banks qued up to lending to the opportunistic and showy MFIs. This led to mushrooming of MFIs accessing huge funds from Commercial Banks for their onlending activities. Most commercial banks lent them for 12 months with the result the MFIs had to recover in weekly repayments. According to Malegam Committee: “As at 31st March 2010, the aggregate amount outstanding in respect of loans granted by banks and SIDBI to NBFCs operating in the Microfinance sector amounted to Rs.13,800 crores. In addition, banks were holding securitized paper issued by NBFCs for an amount of Rs.4200 crores. Banks and Financial Institutions including SIDBI also had made investments in the equity of such NBFCs.”

The issues relating to MFIs did not come to surface suddenly. The State Level Bankers’ Committee Reports during the past few years have been indicating NPAs growing the SHG –Bank Linkage programme and MFIs charging usurious rates in 2006. The State Government had a knee-jerk reaction in promulgating “Andhra Pradesh Microfinance Institutions (Regulation of Money Lending) Ordinance, 2010 on 15th October 2010 that subsequently became an Act.

SBL programme implemented by NABARD since 1994 with the involvement of public sector banks, cooperative and rural banks creditably has no record of suicides or even extortion in recovery process. Capacity building of groups and building group dynamics saw several innovations that resulted in some of the groups taking up agricultural marketing activity in the villages. (For example, in Nizamabad District the SHGs collected maize crop of 3lakh tons and sold at remunerative prices for the farmers and good margins for themselves. There are also built-in insurance mechanisms as well. Andhra Pradesh leads this movement.
There are private players like the Cooperative Development Foundation (CDF)and Centre for Collective Development (CCD) that built SHGs around the concept of small savings of the Women groups initially. The group saves in small sums and the individual members’ needs are met out of the savings: the savings receive interest at the rate decided by the group ( this is around 12%p.a) and the credit for any purpose that the members approve would be charged at 15% and they also build ‘Abhaya Nidhi’ an insurance fund for any untoward calamity to any member. CDF has built a women’s dairy while the CCD has built even Oil Mill with the financial support of NCDC. Most of these groups have a livelihood support programme behind them.

MANY UNANSWERED QUESTIONS?

While the AP Government sounded the alarm with the ordinance that was really not necessary as the existing laws would take adequate care of punishing the usurious lenders on one hand and violent extortionists on the other, the MFIs have been disrobed. The question that still haunts is whether the registration of MFIs would help the cause of the poor. I doubt.

Why Suicides in AP alone?

Whether it is farmers or micro credit borrowers, failure in repayment of loans is the root cause of suicides and these have been occurring mostly in Andhra Pradesh in spite of several measures taken by both the Central Government (separate package of loan waiver announced; interest subvention announced in the farm sector in 2007-08). This is because of the enlarged inadequacies of credit-related infrastructure for institutional lenders to move aggressively on one hand and social divide on the other. All the schemes announced by the Government have built-in rent seeking opportunities for the bureaucracy and politicians with only a portion of the schemes reaching the poor. Secondly, in the villages, there is a clear rich-poor divide on caste considerations. The sufferings on any account whatsoever are mostly unattended. The neighbours expect only the Government to take care of them. Andhra Pradesh is one of those few States declaring reduction of poverty to a mere 16% in the backdrop of state economy growing at a steady 6% and above at the beginning of this century. At the same time there is uneven distribution, rampant corruption and heavy politicization of any and all schemes that are meant to reach the poor.

MFI could make a difference in this scenario as there were no strings attached to the loans and the loans were being available in bigger slices than the SBLs at their door step. Little did they realize that the no-strings loans had ropes around their necks running like a computer programme.


CREDIT DISCIPLINE AXED:
Lending money has to be distinguished from extending credit.

Under what parameters, the Banks were doing bulk lending amounting to hundreds of crores to unregulated MFIs? Whether they were lending against any collateral security offered by MFIs or whether their lending to MFIs has any relation to relative net worth of MFIs? What are the precautions taken by Banks to ensure against misuse of funds by MFIs or protect the public money in case of default by MFIs? When the Banks knew pretty well that this is for re-lending, why did not impose conditions on its use and cost of operation? Every lender imposes such covenants in their loan agreements. To blame it on MFIs is unfair. They only took advantage of whatever that was offered to them.

Whether MFIs were lending to first time borrowers or are they double financing the existing borrowers of other banks or other MFIs? Are they informing other Banks/MFIs in case of double financing? Are they ensuring end-use of funds? Are they financing any income-generating activities or consumption activities?

Whether staff of MFIs has any credit assessment skills? Whether MFIs or their staff is doing a risk assessment of the borrower? Whether MFIs are educating the borrowers about the conditions and stiff repayment obligations?

Where is the need for MFIs to target the SHG-Bank Linkage beneficiaries? Whether the staff of MFIs was given stiff targets of lending and recovery in order to boost their turnover? Were these staff adequately trained and sensitized about the rural dynamics? Were the staff paid salaries or given incentives on targets? How did the staff recruitment take place and what are the HR practices of MFIs? Why did their staff behave with borrowers in inhuman manner as alleged? Did not such behaviour warrant the application of other Laws in the country to tackle it?


RBI FINDINGS ON PRIVATE SHG-MFI-BANK LINKAGE
A joint fact-finding study on microfinance conducted by Reserve Bank and a few major banks made the following observations as mentioned in the RBI Master Circular RBI/ 2010-11/52 RPCD. FID. BC.No. 05 /12.01.001/ 20010-11 July 1, 2010):
i. “Some of the microfinance institutions (MFIs) financed by banks or acting as their intermediaries/partners appear to be focusing on relatively better banked areas, including areas covered by the SHG-Bank linkage programme. Competing MFIs were operating in the same area, and trying to reach out to the same set of poor, resulting in multiple lending and overburdening of rural households.
ii. Many MFIs supported by banks were not engaging themselves in capacity building and empowerment of the groups to the desired extent. The MFIs were disbursing loans to the newly formed groups within 10-15 days of their formation, in contrast to the practice obtaining in the SHG - Bank linkage programme which takes about 6-7 months for group formation / nurturing / handholding. As a result, cohesiveness and a sense of purpose were not being built up in the groups formed by these MFIs.
iii. Banks, as principal financiers of MFIs, do not appear to be engaging them with regard to their systems, practices and lending policies with a view to ensuring better transparency and adherence to best practices. In many cases, no review of MFI operations was undertaken after sanctioning the credit facility.”
These findings were brought to the notice of the banks to enable them to take necessary corrective action where required. If lending to the poor is cost-intensive, and such lending is very necessary in the drive to financial inclusion agenda, the cost needs subvention from either the Financial Inclusion Fund or the Micro Finance Fund and the delivery mechanism for such subvention has to be worked out carefully.
This circular and the entire episode with consequences reflect that the RBI has to bring them into financial regulatory regime as they are also part of the overall financial stability mechanism. NABARD because of its one and half decades of active presence in the micro finance sector through SBL programme, may have acquired the capabilities to regulate the system. But it cannot be a player and regulator and therefore, it may hive off this activity as an independent arm and then take over regulatory responsibility if the RBI were to continue to feel that it is not equipped adequately to handle this regulatory responsibility. Micro Finance Regulation and Development Bill 2007 have been well debated and its ineffectiveness has been articulated in full measure. The Bill drafted by NABARD with the assistance of SADHAN, deserves redrafting as it does not respect either financial regulation or legal fundamentals.
The MFIs’ taking credit for reaching those poor where the institutional credit mechanisms thus far failed to reach has some justification. But the route they chose became questionable. If, as they aver, the poor get the money at the door step and they were able to get a multiplier out of it and therefore the MFIs are reasonable in expecting a major slice of it, is patently absurd. The poor, if they start earning more than what their existing style of living demanded, should be enabled to save a good pie for the future and for better insurance and protection of the next generation. The MFIs that did not create livelihood opportunities, and barricaded sustainability have no license to squander public money in the name of equity. Growth with equity should also be matched with social justice and this is instantaneously absent in the present MFI approach.

Malegam Committee in its wisdom suggested an array of interventions by the regulator and couple of days before its release, the RBI asked “banks to extend the regulatory asset classification benefit to ‘standard’ restructured MFI accounts, even if they were not fully secured. This relaxation banked on environmental factors. The RBI felt that the huge lending to Micro Finance Sector by the commercial banks of all hues, that got classified as priority sector lending because of its earlier classificatory instruction, needed a reprieve failing which the Banks had to provide additional capital. Banks used to resort to Consortium lending to distribute the risks among the group of banks whether small or big and to have an internal discipline in portfolio management. Somehow, the Banks felt that they can give a go-by to this practice even when more than Rs.2000 crores were to be lent to a single NBFC dealing with micro finance because it was lending to priority sector!! The fact that did not attract the attention of the Malegam Committee as well, give the impression that the Banks have lent prudently to the MFIs but landed up in NPAs and therefore required the reprieve.

The Committee’s postulates and assumptions of the nature of clientele were the right triggers of the Micro finance activity. If the RBI were to regulate the NBFCs why did it fail in the first place to distance itself and in the second place giving a modicum of credibility in the name of priority sector? Third, why did it turn a Nelson’s eye when the issues of high rates of interest were repeatedly being brought to its notice for the past three years? There is partial interest rate regulation concerning agriculture and SME sector at 7 percent per annum for the farmer and 9 percent for a section in the later. Would it require the Committee to suggest regulatory interest regime for this sector? There were a few studies which went into the cost of lending in the Micro Finance Sector suggesting comfortable optimum lending rate in the range of 23-24% per annum, as the clientele of the MFIs needed to be cultured into borrowing discipline on one side and to put them into livelihood projects instead of consumptive behaviour on the other. New form of business organization with a clumsy definition in the shape of NBFC-MFI is unnecessary. The existing regulatory rigour if properly administered on the NBFCs would be adequate.

The Committee said that the primary borrowers should be with an income cap of Rs.50000 per annum. If such a cap is linked to inflation index it would have made sense. A dynamic concept has been given a static field. Credit risk assessment and management is the basic job of the lender. The Committee could have specifically narrowed down on the excesses and conflicts of interest and suggested remedies to such practices. Policing is not the job of the financial regulator. It falls within the realm of the Government.

While the AP Government acted in a huff putting an imperfect legislation in its ambivalent situation and in its anxiety to demonstrate that the Government existed and it was capable of preventing nefarious recovery practices driving people to commit suicides. In fact, the existing laws were adequate to deal with such situations. Well, it had little political options at that moment. Malegam Committee excepting to suggest transparency in terms and conditions of sanction of loans under joint liability group approach and relaxed recovery periods – at fortnightly or monthly intervals etc., did not come up with stringent regulatory action on the NBFC-MFIs should they go beyond such practice. The margin cap of 10-12 percent with an outstanding of Rs.100cr at the beginning and end of the year does not really help. It could have come up with the suggestion that each NBFC dealing with micro credit should invest in livelihood projects to the extent of at least 30-40 percent of its portfolio.

Uniform repayment programme at fortnightly or monthly intervals is not going to impart discipline to the lending unless it is linked to the income accruing into the hands of the borrower. For example, take the case of the fishermen. When they come to the shore with the catch once in a week or ten days, they sell it away at the jetty. The fishermen would be too eager to repay but only at that point of time. It would almost be impossible to recover later. The vegetable vendors likewise contracting to buy once in a week could also be happy to repay once in a week while many others find it difficult to adhere to such weekly repayments. The suggestions of the Committee reflect inadequate appreciation of the way the poor respond to credit in various situations.

The Committee failed to address the issue of insurance of the JLG and SHG groups that required appropriate cover both for life and their earnings. The Committee’s Report left more questions than answers. In fine, very few of the recent RBI reports evoked such disappointment as this and the RBI should make up for the shortfalls in the Report.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------*The author is an Economist and Member of the Expert Committee on Cooperative Banking, Government of Andhra Pradesh. The views expressed are personal.

Friday, January 14, 2011

Demonetise

IT IS TIME TO DEMONITISE:
B. Yerram Raju*
“Not all the perfumes of Arabia will sweeten this little hand” (Shakespeare from ‘Meckbeth’)
The rate cuts of 2010 from the RBI did not influence the prices of food articles in particular and others in general, with the food inflation at the alarming level of more than 18%. Rampant corruption surfaced in nooks and corners of the economy. Recently the stories of forged notes coming into circulation via Pakistan, Bangladesh, West Bengal have also come to light. Rs 1000, Rs 500 notes have become the minimum denominations in circulation. All bank counters can stand evidence to this phenomenon. Several ACB raids revealed that the cash stored and seized in raids were mostly in Rs.1000denomination currency or Rs.500 currency. It is not certainly the 8.5% growth of economy that is responsible for this.
This will certainly bring down the inflationary pressure as it will flush out excess money in circulation. For a moment, this may foment the bear hug that has already started, for a few more days and market correction may in fact be facilitated.

This measure would not certainly affect the small and marginal as also tenant farmers, wage earners, salaried class and the aam admi in general. The rich might regret for the stack. Extraordinary situations require extraordinary solutions.

బుద్గేట్ ౨౦౧౧-12

BUDGET 2011-12 – A BIG CHALLENGE

B. Yerram Raju*

The FM’s biggest challenge for formulating the 2011-12 Budget is not so much the revenue and expenditure projections as the direction in the wake of highest food inflation rocking the growth boat that has been the cynosure of the global investors. Agriculture, though reducing in its overall share of GDP, is still the prime mover of the economy. The rising food inflation, the unabating suicides of farmers in a few important patches of the economy, lagging productivity despite a quinquennial growth in overall production of most of the important crops have pointed out more the inefficient distribution channels than the supply side issues. Government could not respond adequately to these issues well in time. Elections to two important States are on the anvil. Congress governments in States, particularly, Andhra Pradesh is threatening the political stability not to speak of all pervading corruption. The focus of my article is therefore on Agriculture sector Budget that requires special dispensation.

Sector Analysis:
Based on the Mid Term Appraisal of the XI Five Year Plan, agriculture sector has only recorded the most unimpressive growth.

Growth in GDP at factor cost 1999-2000 prices
Eleventh Plan Agriculture and Total economy
Allied Sectors

2007-08 4.7 9.2
2008-09 1.6 6.7
2009-10 R E 0.2 7.4
Triennium 2009-10
over Triennium 2004-05 3.4 8.6
Eleventh Plan
Average (2007-10) 2.2 7.7
The slow down has been attributed to a number of factors that included the lack of a breakthrough in technology of major crops ; low replacement rate of seeds/varieties; slow growth or stagnation in area under irrigation and fertiliser use, decline in power supply to agriculture, and slowdown in diversification. It was assumed that the large gap between attainable level of productivity achieved in frontline demonstration plots and actual productivity at farm level offers a ready option to raise productivity and production by pushing use of quality seed, fertiliser, and water (irrigation). XI Plan only made only pious expressions to reverse these trends. World Bank in its Report (IEG 2010) reaffirmed that sustainable agricultural growth is critical to poverty reduction. It has provided enough data from the Brazil, China and India to show that a percentage growth in agriculture in South Asia led to 0.48% reduction in the number of poor in those nations.

In the wake of rising labour costs that today account for 30-40 percent of the total factor costs in agriculture, farmers are increasingly resorting to mechanization and this has been reflected in the number of threshers, weedicides, harvesters and harvester-combines sold during the year. Technology’s importance is realized more today than ever. Therefore, the direction in which the Budget should move is in the areas of assured input supplies, investments in Research and Development, incentive for farmers to stay on the farms and removal of hardships and stress and relief from the calamities when confronted. It has been proved that the farmers have not benefited to the expected degree through the Loan write-offs and increased flow of short term institutional credit. Delivery mechanisms of all the announced incentive packages leave much to be desired.

.
Central Plan outlay for Agriculture and allied sectors
(Rs. in crore)
Total outlay Agri sector share
X Plan (2002-07) Rs 9,45,328.00 Rs.26,108.00 (2.4 per cent)
XI Plan (2007-12) Rs. 21,56,571.00 Rs.50,924.00 (2.4 per cent)

The allocation to agriculture and allied sectors in Centre’s Plan has been substantially increased from Rs. 21,068 crore in the Tenth Plan to Rs. 50,924 crore in the Eleventh Plan while retaining the over all share undisturbed.

SET UP NEW FUNDS AND IMPROVE DISTRIBUTION CHANNELS:
As an astute and the most experienced Finance Minister he should be looking for some out of the box solutions as extraordinary problems require extraordinary solutions.
One cannot keep on asking for writing off credit and yet ask for more credit to flow. This is responsible for driving the farmers to private money lenders who lent at usurious rates and caused the suicides. Instead, what I would suggest is a Natural Calamity Relief Fund, Farmer Innovation Fund, Farming Technology Fund and Market Stabilisation Fund.
Investment Credit in the farm sector has been making a very slow movement and this has to be accelerated so that more funds would flow for investments in Research and Technology, organic farming, bio-technology in agriculture, soil regeneration, efficient water management and the like. Working capital loans in farm sector that the FM has been generously asking for from the Banks have a knack of camouflaging and do not result in asset restructuring and improving productivity although they should continue to flow consistent with the investment credit. Therefore, I would venture to suggest the following:
Institutional Loans to be made available at 4% p.a as suggested by Dr Swaminathan. The difference in interest which the Banks expect from such lending and this 4% should come from Interest Compensation Fund flowing as budgetary support from both the Center and State Governments in 50:50 share.
Redirect the Rural Infrastructure Development Fund to move into one of the four funds I suggested above. Each of these Funds should be managed by NABARD with State Specific allocations providing for flexibility in drawal depending on the situation arising in the respective State and the Fund MANAGMENT Committee of NABARD should have Farmer Association Representative and at least Two Economists of repute from the State to be members. The Committees should be set up at the State level.

I am not venturing to suggest the size of the funds as this would depend upon FM’s overall resource position agenda. It is important that the country should move away from the traditional way of allocations to this important sector.


*The Author is an Economist and Member of the Expert Committee on Cooperative Banking, Government of Andhra Pradesh. The Views are personal. Can be reached at yerramraju@yahoo.com

Sunday, December 26, 2010

అగ్రిచుల్తురె, పొలితిచ్స్ అండ్ Credit

: AGRICULTURE, POLITICS AND CREDIT:
B. YERRAM RAJU*

The eight-day fast of the Opposition leader of Andhra Pradesh in the cause of a host of relief agenda for the farmers unfolded yet again the nexus between agriculture and politics. Many questions and few answers emerge from the episode in a State that still has a share of 23.9 percent (at constant 1999-2000 prices) in State GDP in the primary sector. There would appear to be a peculiar psyche of the farmers and the downtrodden. 62.2 percent of working population in the State is still dependent on rainfall and this is copious during the season – but at wrong time and with heavy flooding of farm fields destroying either the total crop or rendering unsuitable for consumption. The gross area sown in the State has gone up to more than 140lakh hectares during 2010-11 compared to 135.67lakh.ha. According to the State Government acreage under irrigation increased by a little over 5lakh ha.

The total food-grain production in the State reached an all time high of 204.21lakh tons during 2007-08 even amidst the adversities. Credit disbursed under priority sector in the State jumped from Rs.24346cr in 2004-05 to Rs.51487cr by March 2009 despite a host of relief and write-off packages in the interregnum. The estimated crop loss in paddy, cotton, and tobacco alone, not to speak of vegetables and other stored crop is in a little over 5lakh ha. Under the RIDF, NABARD created additional irrigation potential to an extent of 21.58lakh acres that enhanced the demand for credit from those farmers. Last year there were torrential rains and flooding of the most unusual order in Kurnool and other districts that led to the worst-ever flood calamity that still haunts the State Government due to poor delivery of the announced relief packages.

Then there is a spate of suicides on one count or the other. And yet the spate of farmer-suicides in December 2010 alone touched 137 – and just in October and November 2010 we heard of the suicides of the micro-finance victims in good numbers. Last year, there were suicides to bemoan the death of the former Chief Minister, YSR. Cash relief was announced to all these suicide-affected families from time to time either from the exchequer or the political parties. 63.41lakh farmers in the State got relief under the All-India Agriculture Debt Waiver and Debt Relief Scheme, 2008 to the extent of Rs.11353cr. 37lakh farmers got the benefit under the State Government relief package of Rs.5000 per farmer not covered by the AIDWDR to the extent of Rs.1820crores. The 16-suicide prone districts got the PM’s special relief package of Rs.9650.55crores. The package included interest waiver, loan reschedulement, irrigation, watershed, animal husbandry, plantation and horticulture etc. Where all these relief packages got delivered? Were they delivered in full? Why this phenomenon of suicides is rampant in Andhra Pradesh compared to the rest of the States that faced similar natural calamities. Is it inadequacy of package or improper delivery of the package or the agrarian structure or a combination of all these responsible for the politicians to reap a rich harvest?

State Government from time to time announced a slew of packages:
• Organic farming with an outlay of Rs.31cr to encourage use of vermin compost and improve soil fertility;
• Seed village scheme with the supply of foundation seed at 50 percent cost
• National Agriculture Insurance Scheme with village as insurance unit;
• Pilot weather based Insurance Scheme
• Farmers’ field school;
• Agriculture Technology Management Agency with 90:10 :: Central Government :State Government
• 3percent per annum rate of interest for prompt repaid agricultural loans
• Revamping the rural cooperative credit structure under Vaidyanathan package with about Rs.2100cr of which Rs.1872cr already released;
• Increased power supply to the farm sector at an enormous subsidy.
• Special efforts to increase area under pulses
• NABARD provided liquidity support to the State Cooperative Bank and RRBs to tide over the temporary liquidity stress caused due to implementation of relief packages of the order of a little over Rs.50000cr.
Still, not all the perfumes of Arabia could sweeten the little hands. The consumer in Andhra Pradesh, known as granary of rice, supplying huge quantity of rice to the central pool, pays Rs.25-30 a kg.

Structurally, the State has the largest sub-divided and fragmented holdings; there were no mutations carried out; owners migrated with farm riches to the urban and metro areas with investments in real estate, hotel and film industry. Nearly 85percent of the actual farmers are leaseholders and yet the joint liability group finance ‘innovated’ by NABARD (it is actually a rehash of the aborted group lending scheme of State Bank in the 1970s) did not take off. State Government’s persuasion also did not succeed with the Bankers in an environment of distrust and high risk of the clientele prone to high political interference with every party demanding at the time of repayment a write-off. Most of those who demand for such write-off are private money lenders and they have a vested interest in such write-off so that the money they lent could easily get recycled. I wish a detailed study into this aspect by an independent institution would disprove this hypothesis.


In a study undertaken by the author in 2007 on farmers’ suicides, the revelation was that the costs of agriculture continue to rise with no corresponding rise in returns – this is accentuated further with the implementation of MNREGA that pushed the labour costs to nearly 40 percent of total production costs compared to half of it a decade back driving many to move to substituting with technology; ever widening social divide in the villages and inexplicable leakages and private lending at huge cost. Despite all that the Banks show as flow of credit to agriculture, how many new farmers and how much of new credit and for what new projects had access to such increase leave many doubts than answers. Periodical write-off of credit is a serious disincentive to the flow of farm credit as equity and payment ethics are running counter to each other. You can’t keep on demanding write-off of credit and yet ask bankers to keep increasing credit flow. Bankers justifiably view lending to agriculture as a high-risk portfolio not withstanding the more favourable risk weights released by the RBI to respond to Basel II capital adequacy norms. The politician knows it and various committees in the past clearly voiced against the write-off and yet, both the centre and state governments indulge in this wasteful luxury. Are the politicians chasing wrong ends? If so, what is right? Nowhere in the world farming progressed without timely and adequate credit that get recycled with prompt repayments and insurance and guarantee mechanisms to respond to natural calamities appropriately.

Too many institutions claim support to farmer absorbing most of the subsidies and grants more by the deliverer than the farmer. There are twelve ministries from Government of India that have to join to decide on any support system for the farmer. Added to this there are at least five ministries at the State level that require cohesion. None of them joins a round table even once a year to reduce the institutional burden and increase the delivery of benefits to the farmer – whether it is input subsidy or rate compensation or market access. Environment and weather are hostile. Exploitation is at the hilt. Still, the farmer is feeding this country! Series of reliefs and loan reschedulements are like the serial bombs that would explode in the hand that holds. Series of reliefs and loan reschedulements are like the serial bombs that would explode in the hand that holds. We have to find solution where the problem exists. There is a nexus between agriculture, politics and credit in this democracy where illiterate vote bank is the raison de etre for a politician’s saddle.
(The Author is an economist and presently Member, Expert Committee on Cooperative Banking, Government of AP. The views expressed are personal. Can be reached at yerramraju@yahoo.com)

ల్యాండ్ స్య్స్తెంస్ బేగ్ ఫర్ చంగె.

Land systems need unconventional solutions for
Democracy to sustain and grow healthily
B. Yerram Raju*
INTRODUCTION:
Land in this country is the source of all problems – right from family to body politic. Landlords are the ruling elite and therefore no land reform would ever succeed. The Courts in India at all tiers hold around 3mn cases. Most such cases end up after decades of arguments with the either of the original disputants or both not surviving to hear the judgment. In fact, there are some who dare to buy the lands in dispute by taking the risk at a low price and invest in its development as well. Quite a few even made millions of rupees by the D-day. Corruption has its roots in land deals. In the rural areas, subdivision and Fragmentation of holdings has made operational holdings highly uneconomic. Small landholdings are denying the farmers access to technology, quality inputs, mechanization, post-harvesting facilities, integrated approach to farming and market intelligence as also the bargaining power for the farmers in the economy. The serious limitation for further progress in agriculture and for increasing farmers’ income therefore is lack of economies of scale. The farmer is caught in the vicious circle of low productivity, lower income, lower investment and low productivity leading to perpetual marginalisation. The problem exists in land tenures and the solution has to be sought there.
There is no alternative to providing economies of scale for our farmers to integrate farmers with the markets and make them the owners of the value chain in order to increase incomes. There was an aborted attempt of the Andhra Pradesh government aimed at consolidation of holdings on voluntary basis to maximize benefits to the farmers. It went into a spiral because of the tag of ‘cooperative’ attached. Such farming can be expected to integrate with animal husbandry, fisheries, sericulture, horticulture, post harvest operations and processing so that value addition takes place at the doorstep of the farmers. But voluntarism is hard to come by for such efforts. Institutionalisation of the initiative after a good public debate is the only solution.
OBJECTIVES:
The new initiative aims at (1) increased production and productivity; (2) reasonable remuneration for produce in time; (3) value addition; (4) linking production with processing and marketing within compact areas; (5) better access to credit; (6) Structuring a farmer-centric and farmer-participated reform in a novel fashion etc.,
There cannot be two opinions that a larger land holding is more suitable for adoption of modern agricultural technology. It is also agreed by all that flexibility in dealing with land issues in a manner that does not hurt the interests of farmers and also provides incentive for the next generation to continue in farming, holds the key to reform agenda in agriculture.
This new approach should be able to provide an alternative to the not-so-successful earlier initiatives of joint cooperative farming societies, contract farming and producer companies formed around a few agricultural products.
The Scheme I propose, seeks to promote the participation of all the farmers and persons with other occupations on the basis of a pari pasu charge on their assets and proportional returns to the participants. The Society, in other words, the General Body, would have the usufructory right on the land of all the members for implementing the new initiative. In other words, x,y,z farmers owning a,b,c tenures of land individually would pool together their lands for their own long term benefit and improved economic status. The land holding would be converted into a scrip at a value decided by the community in the General Body. There would be issues relating to valuation of lands: road-side lands, wet lands, lands having minor irrigation structures, undulated lands, lands with terrain differences, soil textures, and so on. All the lands in a pool or in a society therefore would have differences in valuation on varying parameters getting applied. A computer model could solve this issue. The value of land could be decided based on consensus as is being implemented in the case of Project Affected Persons under some projects. The Voting Rights will be proportionate to the share holding unlike in the cooperatives where each person would hold only one vote. Non-land owners who are admitted into the Society would have a single vote.
The Share Certificates represent the title to the property held by the individual member and are transferable only to another member of the Society with the approval of the General Body or its authorized Board. What happens in the process is that the land does not get divided without at the same time disturbing the hereditary rights to the property owned on one side and the production patterns on the other. Limited resources like water, soil health, etc would be protected for optimal utilization. Other ancillary activities like animal husbandry, horticulture, fisheries etc would mitigate the risks arising from crop losses.
The General Body consists of all the farmers and non-farmers and it is they who collectively own and manage all assets and a representative General Body ( each constituency in the general body either on the basis of ward or certain reserved categories and women etc could have one representative for a general body) would also elect the Board of Directors and designate the powers that the Board of Directors and the Executive Committee would have to run the Society.

This Society would thus be governed by a professional Board of Directors including those elected by the shareholders. The Board will be assisted by an Advisory Body and specialized Sub Committees consisting of experts from agriculture, allied activities and agro industries. This Society established at the village level itself with full autonomy would be governed by the vision, mission and objectives set out by the State level Advisory Council consisting of functional experts in Animal Husbandry, Fisheries, sericulture, Horticulture, Retailing, Rural Industries etc.

Every member of the Society should get the return no less than the best of the last five years’ return at the beginning and would get multiples of it at the end of every year proportionately distributed in accordance with their shareholding value. The Society should be run under PPP mode. The nitty-gritty of many of these aspects should find a place in a special Law that can be formulated.

Roles and responsibilities of various agencies:
• State Government should constitute a special Regulatory Authority to value and register the scrips.
• In the event of the death of the actual owner evidenced by the Death Certificate, the legal heirs would get the shares as per the Will if any of the deceased; And in its absence, the Society would retain the shares by transferring them in its own name and it should also be registered with the specified Authority. This would in effect enable all mutations recorded without having to subdivide the land.
• The Society should be registered with Articles and Memorandum of Association wherein the boundaries of functioning authorities and activities are clearly defined. If an existing PACS would like to perform these functions, it should be enabled through a transition clause in the proposed Law.
• The seed capital equivalent to the land value contributed by the farmers during the first 5 years should be mobilized at the rate of ten percent of the value from the landowners. Those who lack liquidity at the start should be helped out from the National Farm Equity Fund to be specially set up with a corpus of Rs.5000crores initially as a budgetary support.
• Banks should sanction loans to the society on a debt equity ratio of 4:1 with a moratorium of two years on a soft rate of interest.
• National Agricultural Insurance Corporation should insure Agricultural Loans.
• General Insurance Corporation should insure the other assets in conjunction with the Life and Health Insurance of all the shareholders and the premium would be part of the project cost.
• Initial project costs that include administrative and establishment expenses would be met out of the loan funds.
• Existing liabilities to institutional lenders and other statutory agencies should be pooled into a separate liquid asset and blocked for a period of three years, interest frozen as on the date of transfer. This pooled asset in financing bank’s books would be a funded asset repayable after the moratorium period in seven installments.
• The State as one time measure may write off the private moneylenders’ loans or de-recognize the usurious loans as part of the new Law.
• Lessee – whether oral or written – would have the scrip endorsed in favour of the lessee by the owner with attestation from the Society Management.
• NABARD field level executives should render technical help in projectisation and formulation of the village development plan.
• NABARD should be asked to administer the National Farm Equity Fund.
• NABARD should set up a district level and state level monitoring committee to oversee the project implementation.
• Specified Authority should be provided a list of chartered accountant firms to the Society at the village level for taking up half-yearly and annual audits. Each Village Society should display its accounts in the Notice Board duly signed by the CA and Management representative.
• In case natural calamities occur, and the village itself is washed out, the State Government after realizing from the Insurance Companies the insured amounts, should re-carve the village and distribute the land in accordance with the share register so that the rehabilitated village would carry on the economic activity undisturbed.
• In the case of continuing natural calamities like the cyclones, drought and periodical floods, insurance claims should be quickly settled in favour of the Society and the financing Bank; the deficit should be financed by the State Government and the Bank from out of the Natural Calamity Fund to be separately set up by the GoI with participation from the State Government in equal proportion and this fund would also be administered by the NABARD as the agent of GoI.

EXIT ROUTE:
1. Sale/transfer of shares is restricted only to the Society in the absence of family members of the shareholder wanting to buy up such shares or access them as legatees.
2. At the end of every three years the shares get revalued in terms of the annual dividend passed on at the general body. The share register would thus be up dated in valuation terms once in every five years.
Other Aspects:
Each member should be provided credit support for consumption and social needs as decided by the Board of Directors on such terms and conditions as considered appropriate and in the best interests of members.
The hinterland of the village should be enveloped by adequate and appropriate storage and marketing facilities.
Integrated development of land-based and non-land-based activities providing value addition to the farm produce right at the doorstep of the farmer through this new initiative with appropriate law to support would usher in an era of prosperity for not only the farmers but for the entire village itself.
All the Societies should be computerised from the very start and appropriate management information system should be designed by NABARD with the help of outside experts.
There must be a firm resolve that the Governments would not indulge in loan write-off but would only facilitate financial unburdening through the specially set up funds. The whole scheme would thus help protecting property rights without impeding economic development and legal disputes would also be minimized. All disputes should be settled through local arbitration mechanism.

*. The author is an economist and Regional Director, Professional Risk Managers’ International Association, Hyderabad chapter. He is also Member, Expert Committee on Cooperative Banking, Government of AP. The views are personal. This paper is for presentation at the Symposium on Land Rights & Development, Organised by Liberty Institute, New Delhi, in association with Forum for Good Governance Hyderabad on the 26th December 2010

Sunday, December 12, 2010

మైక్రో ఫైనాన్సు ఇన్ మాక్రో Problems

Micro Finance in Macro Problems.
B. Yerram Raju*



Suddenly, the issue of Microfinance has occupied the centre stage of intense public discourse during the last few weeks. The State Government also acted proactively to bring about “Andhra Pradesh Microfinance Institutions (Regulation of Money Lending) Ordinance, 2010 on 15th October 2010. For a change, the media have taken up a deserving issue concerning the hapless rural women falling into debt trap of the Micro Finance Institutions (MFIs), which have mushroomed in the country in the garb of helping poor women to overcome misery and poverty. Some questions that beg for an answer at the moment are: Are the MFIs that bad as made out? Why did the suicides occur only in Andhra Pradesh and not anywhere else? Where are the roots to the entry of MFIs and are the corrections possible? Are equity and discipline incompatible in lending to the poor?


SELF-HELP GROUP (SHG)-BANK LINKAGE (SBL) PROGRAMME:


The SHG movement was started in early 1990s by Govt. of India with involvement of NABARD to provide empowerment to rural women. It took nearly five long years for the NABARD to create interest in the public sector banks, the RRBs and the Cooperative Banks to get interested in this linkage programme. 42.24 lakh SHGs were credit linked to the extent of Rs.22,670crores as on 31st March 2009 in the entire country by Nationalised Banks, RRBs and Cooperative Banks. Andhra Pradesh had a share of 23.6 percent in number of groups and 26.5 percent in credit under SBL. Society for Elimination of Rural Poverty (SERP) a State Government initiative with World Bank funding has been actively associated with SBL in Andhra Pradesh aiding the social, financial and political empowerment of Rural Women to a large extent as corroborated by various studies. Similar SHG-Bank Linkage programmes are also being implemented in other states like Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka. Under this SBLP, the savings-linked credit has been provided to SHGs around 8% to 10% interest rate with monthly repayment obligations. The recovery percentage is stated to be around 95%. The entire SBL financing has been carried out through thousands of bank branches located in the hinterland of the country. The Bank staff is actively involved in this programme.

SHG-MFI-BANK LINKAGE


Following RBI circular dated 18th February 2000 providing guidelines to financing of MFIs by commercial banks, there has been rapid increase of private MFIs in the country during this decade. Most of these MFIs are broadly in four categories.

1) NGO MFIs – Registered under Societies Registration Act 1860 and/or Indian Trust Act, 1880
2) COOPERATIVE MFIs – Registered under State Cooperatives Act or Mutually Aided Cooperatives Act (MACS) or Multi-State Cooperatives Act, 2002.
3) NON-BANKING FINANCIAL COMPANIES(NBFC) MFIs- Registered under Section 25 of Companies Act, 1956 (Not for Profit)
4) NBFC –MFIs – Registered under Companies Act, 1956 and Registered with SEBI where they went in for public issue and/or with RBI.

In order to encourage the MFI movement, the RBI desired that they go under self-regulation mode and the RBI expressed categorical “NO” to MFI regulation. On the top of it, the Central Bank categorized all corporate loans granted to MFIs as part of priority sector lending and the public sector banks found a bonanza in such categorization as they can claim credit under somebody else’s shoulder without having to incur the huge cost of reaching the poor and realizing such loans again at a huge cost. Suddenly they found a de-risking their otherwise high-risk portfolio. Bulk loaning to MFIs moved at 8-12 percent for online lending to the poverty groups.


Even most of the private sector banks that were unable to fulfill their Priority Sector obligations due to their lack of presence in Semi-Urban and Rural Centers or lack of initiative in financing SME or other Priority segments, have found an easier option of providing bulk loans to MFIs. This paved the way for large scale flow of depositors’ funds to MFIs for their onlending activities. There are 44 RBI recognized MFIs in the country according to Microfinance Institutions Network. Some well meaningful entities have put the training of the poor in viable economic homestead and village level activities ( BASIX for example) and created enthusiasm and confidence in institutional lenders for this activity. But greed has no boundaries and seeing large scale benefits with a little effort and much propaganda, others bee-lined and Banks qued up to lending to the opportunistic and showy MFIs. This led to mushrooming of MFIs accessing huge funds from Commercial Banks for their onlending activities. Most commercial banks lent them for 12 months with the result the MFIs had to recover in weekly repayments.

As on 31st March 2009, it is reported by NABARD that Banking Sector disbursed around Rs.3731 crores to MFIs, out of which Rs. 2700 crores were provided by 10 private sector banks and Rs. 561 crores by 10 public sector banks. In Private Sector Banks, ICICI Bank tops with Rs.825 crores, followed by HDFC Bank with Rs.786 crores and Axis Bank with Rs.636 crores. In Public Sector Banks, Indian Overseas Bank tops with Rs.244 crores followed by State Bank of India with Rs.144 crores and Bank of India with Rs. 70 crores. The latest figures of the bulk loans provided by Banks to MFIs may have crossed Rs. 6000 crores. SIDBI has the largest cake: It has established seven dedicated branches to dispense credit to MFIs in 2008-09 and has lent Rs.3398crores during the last ten years with outstanding credit of Rs.2137cr as at the end of 2008-09. SIDBI website indicates the ultimate number of beneficiaries from this package as 65lakhs. SKS Micro Finance has a substantial presence in this loan portfolio and it has placed its representative on the Board of SKS Micro Finance Ltd., which is in the eye of the storm. SHG-MFI –Bank Linkage has been provided to ultimate customers through MFIs and their agents/employees. Imagine what would happen to the Rs.22500cr lent through this window getting into the loop of NPAs of the Banks at the end of March 2011. Government of India would announce another loan waiver from the tax-payers’ money and recapitalize the losing public sector banks? The fiscal endurance to the monetary failure?


SBL programme implemented by NABARD since 1994 with the involvement of public sector banks, cooperative and rural banks creditably has no record of suicides or even extortion in recovery process. Capacity building of groups and building group dynamics saw several innovations that resulted in some of the groups taking up agricultural marketing activity in the villages. (For example, in Nizamabad District the SHGs collected maize crop of 3lakh tons and sold at remunerative prices for the farmers and good margins for themselves. There are also built-in insurance mechanisms as well. Andhra Pradesh leads this movement.
There are private players like the Cooperative Development Foundation (CDF)and Centre for Collective Development (CCD) that built SHGs around the concept of small savings of the Women groups initially. The group saves in small sums and the individual members’ needs are met out of the savings: the savings receive interest at the rate decided by the group ( this is around 12%p.a) and the credit for any purpose that the members approve would be charged at 15% and they also build ‘Abhaya Nidhi’ an insurance fund for any untoward calamity to any member. CDF has built a women’s dairy while the CCD has built even Oil Mill with the financial support of NCDC. Most of these groups have a livelihood support programme behind them.

MFI SUB-PRIME:
The bulk lending in the MFI robes, on the other hand, has taken the ugly turn witnessed during the last few weeks due to the following reasons:
1. The incentive of booking such credit under the priority sector
2. Banks that usually stipulate stringent conditions on the high-risk ‘poor’ refused to see a part of it even when lending to MFI because of their myopic approach to priority sector credit.
3. The Commercial banks were quick to respond to the glossy balance sheets; foreign flows and the bee-lining of venture capital funds because of the minimum of 8-12 percent yield on these assets and near 100 percent repayments.
4. The investors walked away with the high returns, which is nothing but the rich walking on poor man’s incomes. Poor man’s rupees walked into rich man’s dollars. This is not certainly what either the Government or the RBI intended when they spoke of financial inclusion.
5. Micro Insurance is not linked.
Corporate greed overtook the poor man’s need. Banks too were no less greedy as they could fulfill their priority sector targets without having to actually go near the poor. The result was the sub-prime nature of the MFI-lending process.

CREDIT DISCIPLINE AXED:
But look at what would happen with the steps now taken: the repayments to MFIs would stop. MFIs’ in turn would have to seek postponement of their corporate loans. Their AAA ratings would all vanish in one stroke and they end up as NPAs. All the commercial banks and SIDBI would build up their NPA portfolio during the next quarter. The RBI will have to perforce revise its risk weights to MFIs. Since the money locked up is huge the percentage of NPAs would also be high and this requires capital refurbishing in most of the commercial banks as per Basel norms.

For a change the media espoused a right cause when they started releasing the stories of suicides of some of the MFI-lent borrowers. While the AP Government sounded the alarm with the ordinance that was really not necessary as the existing laws would take adequate care of punishing the usurious lenders on one hand and violent extortionists on the other, the MFIs have been disrobed. The question that still haunts is whether the registration of MFIs would help the cause of the poor. I doubt.

Why Suicides in AP alone?

Whether it is farmers or micro credit borrowers, failure in repayment of loans is the root cause of suicides and these have been occurring mostly in Andhra Pradesh in spite of several measures taken by both the Central Government (separate package of loan waiver announced; interest subvention announced in the farm sector in 2007-08). This is because of the enlarged inadequacies of credit-related infrastructure for institutional lenders to move aggressively on one hand and social divide on the other. All the schemes announced by the Government have built-in rent seeking opportunities for the bureaucracy and politicians with only a portion of the schemes reaching the poor. Secondly, in the villages, there is a clear rich-poor divide on caste considerations. The sufferings on any account whatsoever are mostly unattended. The neighbours expect only the Government to take care of them. Andhra Pradesh is one of those few States declaring reduction of poverty to a mere 16% in the backdrop of state economy growing at a steady 6% and above at the beginning of this century. At the same time there is uneven distribution, rampant corruption and heavy politicization of any and all schemes that are meant to reach the poor. MFI could make a difference in this scenario as there were no strings attached to the loans and the loans were being available in bigger slices than the SLBs at their door step. Little did they realize that the no-strings loans had ropes around their necks running like a computer programme.

MANY UNANSWERED QUESTIONS?

When MFIs are basically indulging in money-lending activities with turnover running into crores of rupees that too with public money as their source of funds, why they were not brought under regulation so far when they ? What are their credentials and how are they allowed to freely operate in the entire country? If they were registered with any local authority could it have helped? What would such registration mean?

Under what parameters, the Banks were doing bulk lending amounting to hundreds of crores to unregulated MFIs? Whether they were lending against any collateral security offered by MFIs or whether their lending to MFIs has any relation to relative net worth of MFIs? What are the precautions taken by Banks to ensure against misuse of funds by MFIs or protect the public money in case of default by MFIs? When the Banks knew pretty well that this is for re-lending, why did not impose conditions on its use and cost of operation? Every lender imposes such covenants in their loan agreements.

Whether MFIs were lending to first time borrowers or are they double financing the existing borrowers of other banks or other MFIs? Are they informing other Banks/MFIs in case of double financing? Are they ensuring end-use of funds? Are they financing any income-generating activities or consumption activities?

Whether staff of MFIs has any credit assessment skills? Whether MFIs or their staff is doing a risk assessment of the borrower? Whether MFIs are educating the borrowers about the conditions and stiff repayment obligations?

Where is the need for MFIs to target the SHG-Bank Linkage beneficiaries? Whether the staff of MFIs was given stiff targets of lending and recovery in order to boost their turnover? Were these staff adequately trained and sensitized about the rural dynamics? Were the staff paid salaries or given incentives on targets? How did the staff recruitment take place and what are the HR practices of MFIs? Why is their staff behaving with borrowers in inhuman manner?


RBI FINDINGS ON PRIVATE SHG-MFI-BANK LINKAGE
A joint fact-finding study on microfinance conducted by Reserve Bank and a few major banks made the following observations as mentioned in the RBI Master Circular RBI/ 2010-11/52 RPCD. FID. BC.No. 05 /12.01.001/ 20010-11 July 1, 2010):
i. Some of the microfinance institutions (MFIs) financed by banks or acting as their intermediaries/partners appear to be focusing on relatively better banked areas, including areas covered by the SHG-Bank linkage programme. Competing MFIs were operating in the same area, and trying to reach out to the same set of poor, resulting in multiple lending and overburdening of rural households.
ii. Many MFIs supported by banks were not engaging themselves in capacity building and empowerment of the groups to the desired extent. The MFIs were disbursing loans to the newly formed groups within 10-15 days of their formation, in contrast to the practice obtaining in the SHG - Bank linkage programme which takes about 6-7 months for group formation / nurturing / handholding. As a result, cohesiveness and a sense of purpose were not being built up in the groups formed by these MFIs.
iii. Banks, as principal financiers of MFIs, do not appear to be engaging them with regard to their systems, practices and lending policies with a view to ensuring better transparency and adherence to best practices. In many cases, no review of MFI operations was undertaken after sanctioning the credit facility.
These findings were brought to the notice of the banks to enable them to take necessary corrective action where required. If lending to the poor is cost-intensive, and such lending is very necessary in the drive to financial inclusion agenda, the cost needs subvention from either the Financial Inclusion Fund or the Micro Finance Fund and the delivery mechanism for such subvention has to be worked out carefully.
This circular and the entire episode with consequences reflect that the RBI has to bring them into financial regulatory regime as they are also part of the overall financial stability mechanism. NABARD because of its one and half decades of active presence in the micro finance sector through SHG-Bank linkage programme, may have acquired the capabilities to regulate the system. But it cannot be a player and regulator and therefore, it may hive off this activity as an independent arm and then take over regulatory responsibility if the RBI were to continue to feel that it is not equipped adequately to handle this regulatory responsibility. Micro Finance Regulation and Development Bill 2007 has been well debated and its ineffectiveness has been articulated in full measure. The Bill drafted by NABARD with the assistance of SADHAN, deserves redrafting as it does not respect either financial regulation or legal fundamentals.
The MFIs’ taking credit for reaching those poor where the institutional credit mechanisms thus far failed to reach has some justification. But the route they chose became questionable. If, as they aver, the poor get the money at the door step and they were able to get a multiplier out of it and therefore the MFIs are reasonable in expecting a major slice of it, is patently absurd. The poor, if they start earning more than what their existing style of living demanded, should be enabled to save a good pie for the future and for better insurance and protection of the next generation. The MFIs that did not create livelihood opportunities, and barricaded sustainability have no license to squander public money in the name of equity. Growth with equity should also be matched with social justice and this is instantaneously absent in the present MFI approach.

*The author is an Economist and Member of the Expert Committee on Cooperative Banking, Government of Andhra Pradesh. The views expressed are personal.

Five myths about microfinance
TT Rammohan


The microfinance bubble has burst. The AP government ordinance, the AP opposition fs campaign asking borrowers not to repay and the sheer public hostility towards MFIs . all these have put the brakes on MFI activities for now. We need to rethink the role of MFIs in the rural economy . In order to do so, we must first grasp some of the myths on which the MFI sector has rested th US far.

MFIs are crucial to financial inclusion: The big impetus to financial inclusion came way back in 1969 following the nationalisation of banks. Secondly, financial inclusion is not just about giving small-ticket loans. It is also about taking deposits and providing basic banking services.

MFIs are hardly the pioneers in microfinance. The early initiative came from the self-help group (SHG) movement started by the government of India in 1992 under the auspices of Nabarad and with the involvement of banks. This is the biggest outreach programme of its kind in the world. It covers 86 million poor households and has extended credit of .Rs23, 000 crore. MFIs cover 30 million customers and have lent over .Rs30,000 crore.

Under the SHG scheme, credit is linked to savings (unlike MFI credit). There is focus on capacity-building among borrowers. The rate of interest is 8-10% with monthly repayment. The suggestion that MFIs are crucial to financial inclusion is only part of an attempt to give respectability to what is increasingly a profit-driven activity.

MFIs have reached out to those ignored by banks: The contention is that MFIs complement the efforts of banks by reaching out to those ignored by banks. This too is not true. AP has an average credit/deposit ratio of over 105% and a ratio of over 80% in half the districts. (The national average is 63%). AP does not lack credit. MFIs would have been made a real contribution had they fanned out to states where the credit/deposit ratios are low. Instead, they have focused on AP.

They have done so because AP houses nearly a quarter of the SHGs. MFIs chose the easy route of tapping into established SHGs for making loans. This was viable in the early stages but, over time, it has led to the problem of multiple lending and excessive debt burdens.

It is no different from private banks in India marketing consumer loans or US banks marketing subprime loans. œ MFIs are an important mechanism for alleviating rural poverty: Credit is only one of several instruments needed for fighting poverty.

Secondly, credit can help alleviate poverty if it goes into income-generation schemes. MFI credit, for the most part, is for consumption. Thirdly, returns to agriculture are so low that it is inconceivable that it can service interest rates of 24% and above that MFIs charge. Since agriculture is the key to rural poverty, it is ridiculous to suggest that MFI credit can help alleviate poverty.

MFIs have substituted moneylenders who used to charge even higher interest rates: The comparison with moneylenders is flawed. Moneylenders don ft go out and market their loans as MFIs do. Besides, moneylenders make loans strictly against collateral and this is a built-in check on lending.

Secondly, MFI interest rates in AP are said to be have been in the range of 24-60%. At the upper end, the rates are no different from those of moneylenders. Yes, MFIs did substitute moneylenders in a way because many moneylenders found it expedient to set up MFIs themselves . they could then have easy access to bank funds!

High operational costs means that smallticket loans cannot cost less than 24%: If this is true, how is lending to SHGs viable? The high lending rates of many MFIs translate into fat salaries for executives and abnormal returns. (Some have return on assets of 5%; a bank is lucky if it makes 1%).

Public sector banks (PSBs) have long had branches in the rural areas. Small loans will be one element in their portfolio which will include low-cost deposits and other products. With branch costs fully written off, it is hard to see why microfinance provided by PSBs needs to be priced at 24%. If indeed the operational costs turn out to be steep in some areas, then the bank correspondent and other models need to be developed.

PSBs have not put their best foot forward in respect of microfinance because they lack the incentives to do so. Most are listed now and have had to focus on earnings growth, which is easily provided by corporate and retail credit. The regulatory cap on interest on small loans was a dampener. (The cap is now gone). Lending to MFIs qualified as priority sector credit, so PSBs could not be troubled to build their own portfolios.

Many people think the recent problems with MFIs were the result of some excesses. With a little tweaking here and there, MFIs can be in the forefront of financial inclusion. They are wrong. The entire MFI model needs revisiting. At least PSBs are much better placed to pursue financial inclusion on their own. The AP ordinance and its fallout ensure that the go-go days for MFIs are over. And that is all to the good.
When the Banks lend for Corporates they are expected to form a Consortia if the same Company were to receive credit at the hands of more than one Bank. Peculiarly, in the case of MFIs, no Bank preferred to lend via a consortium route with the result the same list of primary borrowers may have gone round different lending banks to qualify for the priority sector classification. Why the RBI is a mute spectator to this is typical failure of regulator. Hopefully, the Malegaon Committee would take this into consideration.